On the 29th of May 2024, South Africa held its 7th National and Provincial elections, and for the first time, the ruling African National Congress (ANC) could not secure a majority, which would give it an automatic mandate to form government. The elections led to the formation of a Government of National Unity (GNU). The GNU comprising of the ANC, Democratic Alliance (DA), Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), Good Party (Good), Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), Patriotic Alliance (PA), Freedom Front Plus (FF+), United Democratic Movement (UDM), Rise Mzansi (Rise) and Al Jama-ah, was forged as a means of building consensus and stability. The establishment of a GNU is not a new tool; it was first used in South Africa as a mechanism to transfer South Africa from an apartheid autocratic state to a constitutional democracy between April 1994 and February 1997, as provided by clause 88 of the interim Constitution of 1994. Collectively, the parties in the current GNU hold 287 seats in the 400-seat parliament, representing 72% of the national assembly. Even though the GNU has been formed on the principle of serving South Africa, there has been serious contestation between the two major parties in the GNU, the ANC and DA, on several issues.
Significance of the Electoral Outcome
There is more to the electoral outcome. South Africans are slowly losing confidence in the ballot box; only 40% of South Africans over the age of 18 chose to cast ballots, making the 2024 elections the lowest level of electoral participation since 1994. Nearly 23 million adults did not vote. This is a serious indictment to the current political leadership. It seems that citizens have either become disillusioned with the system or have lost interest in electoral politics. The Independent Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC) is mandated by the constitution to carry out and promote voter education. If this becomes a recurring occurrence, it will jeopardise the integrity or legitimacy of electoral outcomes as the majority of citizens would not have participated.
Tracking the Performance of the Government of National Unity
We (www.sivioinstitute.org) have been tracking the performance of the GNU since it took office by looking at the actions it has taken to fulfil policy promises. South African Citizens Watch tracks in real time the conversion of electoral promises into policy actions. The tracker will be active for the duration of the GNU. It is a process that will help answer the question as to whether the GNU government is delivering on the promises and commitment it has made. In other countries, the tracker usually draws out promises made in the election manifesto of the winning party. In the instance of the GNU, we tracking government’s commitments made during the Opening of Parliament Address delivered by President Ramaphosa on the 18th of July 2024. The tracker will be expanded and modified to include commitments that will be made in the Mid-Term Development Plan once it is approved.
What has the GNU done to date?
Since the formation of the GNU, the government has carried out 17 actions in fulfilment of the promises made in the 18 July 2024 Opening of Parliament Address. To date, the GNU has carried a total of 17 actions across the 38 promises/pledges. The Table below provides a breakdown of the promises made by sector.
| Sector | Number of Promises | Number of Actions |
| Economy | 19 | 5 |
| Governance | 5 | 3 |
| Social Services | 12 | 8 |
| Corruption | 3 | 1 |
| Climate Change | 0 | 0 |
The President has assented and signed three (3) bills, which have now become government Acts which will inform policy and development moving forward. Firstly, the Basic Education Laws Amendment Act (BELA Act 2024) is aimed at advancing transformation in Basic Education while eradicating inequality. This Act is in line with the promise to ensure that schools are conducive to education, with enough classrooms, safe and appropriate sanitation facilities, clean water and a daily meal for those who need it. The Act limits the powers of the School Governing Bodies (SGB) in determining admission and language policies. Previously, the SGB would be responsible for setting admission and language policies of the schools; with this Act, that responsibility has been delegated to the Provincial Department of Basic Education Heads. The Act makes Grade R compulsory, makes it possible to punish those who deny children access to education and forbids all corporal punishment and initiation practices in schools. Secondly, the Taxation Laws Amendment Bill was assented to and signed by the President on the 20th of December 2024. This bill is in line with the promise to reduce undue regulatory burdens that hold businesses back from creating jobs. The bill aimed at aiding small businesses and enterprises to build capacity. Moreover, it seeks to ease access to financial services without insurmountable bureaucracies. Finally, the President signed the Expropriation Act, 2024 (Act No.13 of 2024), which has attracted attention nationally and internationally. This Act is in line with government’s promise to increase funding for land reform, prioritise transfer of state land and improve post-settlement support by strengthening the institutional capacity for responsible structures. This Act is discussed in more detail later in this report.
The GNU also announced that ZAR500 million has been set aside to support small businesses in townships and rural areas. Furthermore, there is movement towards the implementation of the National Health Insurance (NHI); a standing committee on health has had briefing from the Department of Health regarding the process of the implementation of the NHI Act.
NB: No promises and actions have been recorded under Climate Change.
The Land Expropriation Act of 2024
The signing into law of the Expropriation Act, 2024 (Act No.13 of 2024) aligns with the promise to increase funding for land reform, prioritise the transfer of state land and improve post-settlement support by strengthening institutional capacity of responsible structures. The Expropriation Act, 2024, replaces the outdated Expropriation Act 63 of 1975, bringing South Africa’s land reform policies in line with constitutional principles. The 1975 Act, drafted during apartheid, was designed to serve state interests with minimal legal protection for affected property owners. It lacked clear definitions of key legal terms, failed to account for socio-economic transformation, and did not outline a structured process for fair compensation.
The Expropriation Act, 2024, introduces a clear expropriation system that strikes a balance between legal protections and land reform. The Act does the following: It establishes clear standards for fair and appropriate compensation, guaranteeing that elements like market value, prior acquisition, and state investment are considered. The new law has highlighted the distinction between public purpose and public interest, which is one of the significances of this law as these are the two factors used to support expropriation. While public interest concentrates on land reform and fair resource allocation, public purpose includes environmental preservation, public service expansion, and infrastructure development.
The introduction of expropriation without compensation (EWC) under certain circumstances has added to the controversy of this law. Section 13 lists circumstances in which the state may purchase property for free or very little money, including speculative land holdings, unused state-owned land, abandoned land, and land whose value has significantly improved because of state investment. This category also includes long-occupied communal land, acknowledging past injustices.
The Act has also attracted international attention. The United States (US) President Donald Trump signed an executive order to cut funding to South Africa in response to the Expropriation Act and South Africa’s International Criminal Court case against Israel for its conduct in Gaza. The executive order has a range of potential impacts, not least of which is the strongly implied loss of the African Growth and Opportunities Act (Agoa), up for renewal later this year. Also at risk are US business and economic development loans and other credit facilities for businesses, and the country’s transaction with the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, with which the US wields considerable influence. As expected, South Africa’s financial markets reacted swiftly to Trump’s executive order. By the close of trading on 8 February 2025, the Rand had dropped by 0.9% against the United States Dollar, while the cost of insuring South African debt soared to its highest level in nearly a year.
Conclusion
The GNU has been viewed in a positive light by many, especially the capitalist sector. It has helped to stabilise the Rand and reassure businesses of government’s good intentions. The fact that the country is no longer going through tortuous load-shedding perhaps provides a signal that the GNU is seized with matters of national transformation. The land expropriation law seems to buck against the trend of what had been seen as a pro-business government. The response from opposing forces has received more attention rather than the potential of the bill to undo centuries-old inequality. It is still early days for the GNU, and perhaps it will be judged on how it resolves problems of poverty, unemployment, weak service delivery and crime. These have become the waterloo of South Africa’s post-apartheid governments. Attempts at fixing these challenges, combined with South Africa’s values-based foreign policy, will most likely create more friction within the GNU. We anticipate that the pending mid-term national development will provide clarity on how the GNU intends to fix these seemingly intractable problems.